“International Unions” and Trump’s Aggression Against Canada
Trade unionists sometimes daydream about cross border solidarity among unions. Once in a while, we can practice it. Corporations routinely operate in different countries, and the governments they control likewise promote their agendas across borders. It is one of the greatest aspirational goals of working people – the ability to confront bosses regardless of national borders. Marxist forces would understand this cross-border goal reflexively, harkening back to Marx and Engels and their admonition that “Workers of All Countries, Unite!”
But too often it seems the best that trade unions can do is to offer rhetorical support to allied forces engaged in some battle or another with a common foe abroad. One key aspect of international labor “solidarity” seems however to be forgotten quite commonly in the U.S., most likely a sign of the low level of understanding of our labor movement possessed by most of our left. It is the “International Union” phenomenon.
Largely unknown in the U.S., is the nearly unique situation where Canadian workers in huge numbers belong to, and are represented, by trade unions headquartered in the United States. This “International Union” (IU) situation presents itself starkly in the U.S. and Canadian labor relationship with upwards of 25% of all Canadian union members today belonging to one of these “International” unions. More than 40 U.S.-based unions comprise this subset of unions, with headquarters functions, most elected leaders, and virtually all control centered in the United States. These unions are overwhelmingly private sector unions, older unions, and are largely clustered in the building trades, manufacturing, and a few other traditional sectors. Their Canadian members are scattered in dozens of industries and work in every province and territory. In few places on earth does this situation repeat. With the more recent advent of all-Canadian unions and the large growth of public sector unions the IU slice has shrunk but remains key in the overall Canadian labor movement picture.
A TROUBLESOME HISTORY
This IU circumstance traces itself back to the industrial development of the United States, where many early U.S. unions eagerly spread their membership to Canada. Often in similar craft sectors, frequently among identical employers. Many took root more than 100 years ago, as the dominant English-speaking cultural similarity and geographic nearness facilitated the growth of the U.S.-based unions in Canada. The generally more conservative “business union” approaches of most of the U.S. unions also acted to discourage the foundation and growth of indigenous Canadian-based unions. It is key to grasp that the “international” label should never be confused with “internationalist”, as in practice virtually none of these U.S. based unions have ever seen their roles in some larger political context, certainly not in a left socialist context.
Notable exceptions to that would be the spread into Canada of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) and kindred unions in the early 1900’s, along with the later Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) union expansions into Canada in the 1930’s and 1940’s. And while the anti-communist purges of the 1940’s and 50’s played out differently in Canada as opposed to our experiences here in the U.S., most International Unions based in the U.S. were eager partners in countless employer and government campaigns against left forces inside the Canadian labor movement. In general, it is not an exaggeration to point out that the IU historical reality has had a significant and deformative effect on the long history of trade unionism in Canada.
A POORLY DOCUMENTED HISTORY
Literature chronicling the internal struggles of Canadian members within these U.S.-based and dominated International Unions is virtually absent on the U.S. side of the border. The “issue” or “question” of a union with members in Canada, but headquartered in the U.S., seems non-existent to most in the U.S. labor movement today. The leadership of the dozens of U.S.-based International Unions prefer it that way, taking quiet care to never encourage or inflame what they view as the “nationalist” feelings of their Canadian dues-payers. The Canadian members of these International Unions have historically been subjected to a wide variety of experiences ranging from good to bad, and sometimes worse. But whatever the opinions, the question of Canadian autonomy and possible independence is alive and well, never far below the surface – on the north side of the border at least. Trade union history in Quebec has been greatly affected by the reduced presence or numerically small International Unions rooted there, evolving in many ways differently owing to the lower density of the U.S. presence.
Given that the Canadian members in all of the IU’s comprise only far-less-than-majority fragments of each union’s overall membership, there has developed an intrinsic understanding that while the Canadian members might exit the U.S. parent union, or ally with a hostile faction originated in the U.S., by themselves they are incapable of winning control of the entire union. This has quietly condemned the Canadian sections of the IU’s to perpetual second tier status in many ways. On occasion a prominent Canadian IU leader may win election to high office or appointment to a significant position, but ultimately the number of Canadian leaders who serve somehow in the U.S. headquarters of their IU union is tiny, even nonexistent in many.
MOSTLY AN UNTOLD STORY
Several books, but not many by Canadian publishers tell significant parts of the IU story, and can be recommended. Bob White – the leader of the Canadian Auto Workers (CAW) secession from the United Auto Workers (UAW) in 1985, authored his autobiography, Hard Bargains, My Life on the Line, published in 1987. White details his own story, and the intolerable situation that developed as the Canadian section of the UAW repeatedly caught the U.S.-based auto union leadership undermining and selling-out its Canadian members to favor U.S. employers and members in the highly integrated cross-border auto industry. Jack Scott’s scathing study, “Canadian Workers – American Unions: How the American Federation of Labor Took over Canada’s Unions”, published in 1978, researched and documented the conservatizing and often corrupting effects of the U.S. unions on the nascent Canadian labor movement. Unfortunately, both books are out-of-print, perhaps bolstering the fact that the IU reality is in need of greater study.
Few of the IU’s themselves reference any of the realities of this unusual structure beyond dropping the word “International” into their title, boasting occasionally of having members in Canada, or on occasion detailing some happenings in Canada among their ranks there. In the extensive experiences of this observer I would say that the general attitude of the U.S. IU unions towards their Canadian members is frequently one of disinterest, combined with an undercurrent of concern, even worry that somehow something might rile-up the members north of the border and lead them to demand changes – or even launch a movement to leave the U.S. parent union.
“GOOD ENOUGH” IS A DANGEROUS STANDARD TODAY
Some of the U.S.-based unions have operated with respect and sensitivity to their Canadian membership, uneven at times, but with select unions making significant efforts to bring them on more-or-less equal terms into the overall life of the union. With completely different political situations, structures, and cultures, not to mention completely different legal arrangements for the functioning of the unions, real and sustained efforts are required for any U.S.-based union to truly serve their Canadian membership in full and authentic ways. Failed versions of International Unions have commonly exhibited the tendency to impose unpopular edicts on unhappy Canadian members by a U.S. leadership primarily interested in collecting dues and maintaining control at any expense – and by any means. There are also incidents of U.S. based IU’s so utterly incompetent and nonfunctional that the Canadian section was compelled to seek autonomy or even separation merely to engage in ordinary trade union functions.
TRUMP ATTACKS CANADA – WHAT IS THE IU RESPONSE?
The second Trump term now ushers-in a new and increasingly dangerous phase of malignant U.S. imperialism. His sudden turn against Canada – and on other previously cooperative and subordinated regimes – launches the IU phenomenon into a new phase of importance. Canadian members of U.S.-based unions – the International Unions – face a new and gigantic question: are the U.S. leaders of their unions doing something, or anything, to oppose the new Trump onslaught on Canada? On them? And for that matter, what are the Canadian leaders of these same unions doing?
The Trump regime is openly declaring its intention to impose American hegemony and Empire on Canada – with or without the consent of Canadians. This invigorated imperialist aggression and land-grab planning presents an expanded and urgent challenge for the Canadian members of the U.S.-based unions. Unions that even recently might have been viewed as “good enough” by their Canadian members on general questions of autonomy and union functioning. Canadian members of the IU’s now face an exponentially critical new test. What might have been a satisfactory situation yesterday, with a U.S. IU functioning and delivering adequate results, is today woefully unprepared to resist the Trump assault. Or even to fully understand it.
CANADA: ONE BIG BEAUTIFUL PRIZE
Trump openly boasts of his desire to break-up Canada so it can be incorporated directly into the United States, on terms only benefiting the U.S. His Greenland territorial grab is merely a peripheral rehearsal for the real prize – Canada. He attacks Canada with a blizzard of political tariffs, damaging unilateral actions, slander, and certain conniving with business tycoons, all aimed at eventually profiting from Canadian and resources and working people. One can also be certain that Canadian allies of Trump – political, corporate, media, and military – are well underway with their contemptible preparations to deliver Canada to Trump. The mind-boggling spoils to be reaped from such a massive criminal seizure cannot be calculated, and only fools would underestimate Trump’s desire or ability to generate and utilize such a fifth column. All efforts by national leaders to humor Trump, to flatter him, to try to reason with him, have all been interpreted by him as signs of weakness. This course has consequently invited more illicit attention from the degenerate despot, and complicated their dilemma.
Trump has already placed the massive U.S. military, intelligence, corporate, and media apparatus unashamedly in the service of big business as best evidenced by the Venezuelan oil grab. Working people on both sides of the border dare not ignore this pivotal moment. Trump’s increasingly violent, corrupt, and erratic rule, and the abject refusal of Democratic Party “opposition” to seriously confront his illegal conduct and outrages makes clear that there are – as yet – inadequate internal U.S. forces willing or capable of stopping his plans for the conquest and plunder of Canada. Canadians will be left to save themselves.
WHERE ARE THE INTERNATIONAL UNION LEADERS?
Where are the leaders of the U.S.-based International Unions as this unfolds? Defending their Canadian members from these attacks automatically places these union leaders in opposition to Trump aggression, although the record will reflect that most IU here unions have so far sought a “hideout” strategy. As if to hope that the Trumpzilla beast will strut by, engrossed with its own path of destruction, enabling the union to somehow escape notice or detection. While a contemptible and cowardly course, it at least offers a logic for the defense of the U.S. membership.
But what of the Canadian members? Are they not in even greater danger across the board? Trump’s aggression is sure to escalate as his first year of performance can attest, with a press gang incorporation of Canada into the U.S. as one of his stated goals. With no brake in evidence on his widening illegal conduct good sense alone would dictate that Canada need take seriously the threat presented by Trump. His regime’s record is littered with cases where the conventional wisdom dictated that “He will never do that.”, and he did. The speed and tempo of U.S. imperialism is accelerating, with Canada clearly on the “to do” list. Canada’s historic subordination to the massive U.S military and intelligence machinery is also worrisome, perhaps even leaving the country defenseless – until confirmed otherwise.
The stakes for Canadian workers cannot be greater. The Canadian working class would be dragged backwards 100 years on all fronts should such a scheme succeed. U.S. workers have already lived this experience, and the devastated and impoverished condition of the working class in the U.S. offers a clear blueprint for what awaits the Canadian working class. It seems apparent today that the U.S-based International Union leaderships have presented only fragmented and scattered resistance to Trump and Trumpism. Or none at all.
There is scant evidence of any real planning for resistance, and what can be discerned is promulgated for the defense of the IU’s members here in the U.S. Our U.S. AFL-CIO is dutifully doing nothing, as usual, with no evidence that they intend to rally affiliates or the IU’s to ally with the Canadian labor movement in defense of all workers. There is also stark evidence in a number of the IU’s that they have accommodated Trump at times, been reluctant to denounce even his worst acts, and are seeking in some cases to curry favor with the malignant President for some hoped-for favor. With this in mind, Canadian members of these unions should have little reason to hope that their U.S-based leaders will pursue much of a course opposing Trump’s attacks aimed at them.
SOUNDING THE ALARM
All knowledgeable observers of the International Union reality are aware of their recent history at least, and some of their shortcomings and limitations as well. They are for now a fact of labor union life, and have their impacts – good and bad – almost entirely on the Canadian side of the border. The increasingly dangerous and deranged Trump era also offers no possible benefit to the Canadian members of these unions. All risks in the IU realm are borne by Canadians. As a longtime trade union leader from the U.S. I sound this alarm bell for unionists who are likely unaware of this historical oddity, and I raise the obligation to play our part in remedying the inadequate functioning of the IU’s. Serious joint U.S.-Canadian trade union opposition to Trump and his minions is long overdue, although I am all too well aware of the low level U.S. labor leadership attachment to even these simple trade union principles.
As always with the IU question, the new situation might cement further the unity between the U.S. and Canadian sections of an IU union, or may dissolve it once and for all. Many disparate forces and histories are at play, and the course for each individual IU is likely to be left to them. At minimum a discussion of this cross-border trade union reality is in order, with the left playing as always the informed and constructive role. Our watchwords must be, “Workers of All Countries, Unite! Working class unity and principled class struggle ideology is the way forward in this moment, and we must reject in the unions their inaction, opportunism, self-serving scheming, accommodation with the aggression, and pandering to Trumpism and U.S. imperialism – here and abroad.
Chris Townsend is a 46-year union member and leader. He was most recently the Amalgamated Transit Union (ATU) International Union Organizing Director. Previously he was an International Representative and Political Action Director for the United Electrical Workers Union (UE). He has held local positions in both the SEIU and UFCW. He may be reached at: cwtownsend52@gmail.com