Portside

Seventy-five years ago, the labor movement suffered its greatest setback of the 20th Century: the Taft-Hartley Act.

The legislative fix made by Maine lawmakers offers a model for lawmakers elsewhere who are alarmed by the court’s aggressive swing to the right.

"Hutchinson's testimony of the deeply detailed plans of January 6 and the inaction of those in the White House in response to the violence show just how close we came to a coup," said one pro-democracy organizer.

There was never any reason to be complacent about the end of legal abortion, nor should we think that the impact of the Supreme Court’s latest ruling will be muted.

For the Post—a paper owned by Amazon founder Jeff Bezos—scaremongering about lefties is job one. On a national level, that’s led to the Post’s hysterical coverage of Bernie Sanders. On a local level, it’s led to the paper’s attacks on Elrich.

The 2012 coup against Fernando Lugo cut short the only period of left-wing rule in Paraguay’s modern history. But in elections next year, the country’s progressives have their best shot in years at unseating the corrupt, reactionary Colorado Party.

Understood in the context of the movement that created the Supreme Court in its current incarnation, there is nothing surprising about their overturning Roe. In fact, it marks the beginning rather than the endpoint of their agenda.

Makayla Wahaus and her co-workers are part of a trend in the union movement in which employees at nonprofits including human service agencies, museums, think tanks and other such organizations are starting to look to traditional labor unions as a way of improving their finances and, they say, democratizing their workplaces.

After decades of affirming that prayers led by school officials are unconstitutional, said Justice Sonia Sotomayor, "the court now charts a different path."

The conservative Supreme Court's favorite judicial philosophy requires a very, very firm grasp of history — one that none of the justices seem to possess.