Portside

Until yesterday, U.S. steelworkers hadn’t experienced an attack as sweeping as that of 1892.

Fain noted that a Detroit rally the UAW had held for Biden earlier this summer had drawn about 2,000 attendees, while a Detroit rally the union that thrown together on short notice for Harris earlier this month had drawn 15,000.

That was the implausible message of their convention’s opening night.

Taylor voiced both a cautious optimism about his union’s trajectory, and some frustration at the labor movement’s hesitation to exploit the unusually pro-union climate now abroad in the land.

Microsoft and Starbucks as exceptions to corporations’ union busting; Starbucks baristas as beacons of bottom-up organizing.

By devoting $40 million to its campaign to organize non-union auto plants, the UAW is challenging not just corporate America but also labor’s status quo.

GM’s promise to cover its EV battery factories under the national master agreement gives workers a share of the gains from going electric.

With public support for unions at near-record highs and new federal rules that actually enable organizing, unions need to mount massive campaigns.

12,000 striking postdoctoral scholars reached a tentative agreement with the University of California to boost their wages and benefits.

Two extensive union programs—one long established, one new—are focusing on swaying working-class voters who, like most Americans, don’t belong to unions.