When the Ford workers Hunger March to deliver a list of 14 demands to Henry Ford became the Ford Massacre . . . and ultimately led to the organization of the Rouge plant by the United Auto Workers.
A century after his birth, EP Thompson’s empathy with those facing scorn and condescension is more relevant than ever. The first paragraph starts: “The working class did not rise like the sun at an appointed time. It was present at its own making.”
There is a widely held belief, especially among white people, that social welfare programs primarily benefit African Americans. Yet, in virtually all U.S. social support programs, whites are the largest demographic group of recipients.
What is paradoxical is that U.S. imperial ideology happens to be not fascism but an all-encompassing and intolerant liberalism refitted for rationalizing military and political expansion.
Just because not all jobs can be done at home does not mean that no jobs should be done at home. Working from home won’t end exploitation, but it’s nonetheless an important front on which labor can strive to secure improved working arrangements.
In the wake of neo-fascist coup attempts — and the ongoing threat they pose in the U.S. and Brazil — it’s worth revisiting historical analogies on how to challenge the fascist plague before it metastasizes, endangering people the world over.
Our labor has become a commodity, something bought and sold in the marketplace, no different in principle than raw materials, equipment, and the buildings that house our workplaces.
Disparities between the aristocratic and working classes are not only a foundational part of English culture, but a cornerstone of narrative conflict in British dramas, particularly as working people have been historically defined by their professions rather than their personalities or aspirations.
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