The author of this book, writes reviewer Quish, "makes a powerful case for a 'socialist constitutionalism' that deserves a place in contemporary debates on the Left."
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How do socialist demands become liberal common sense? The history of the New Deal offers a useful lesson. It had a recognition that a good society rests on a sense of mutuality, reciprocity, and community spoke to what was wrong with a market society
What we need is a form of political leadership that frees democracy from liberalism through supporting citizens in asserting their popular sovereignty over the conditions of material daily life by getting organised as workers, as hospital users, as teachers, as students, as parents – and as citizens capable of mutual self-government.
What an impoverished small town tells us about the dangers of not taking class seriously.
The initiatives of the New Deal and FDR's Second Bill of Rights represented less a permanent triumph of the welfare state or a model for a progressive way forward than a unique combination of non replicable circumstances, including a temporary cessation of enduring tensions involving race, immigration, culture, class, and individualism, which served to sustain a pale social democratic reform for just a few decades. What followed instead was today's new Gilded Age.
Socialism isn’t the negation of liberalism. It’s the realization of liberal values made impossible by capitalism.
If the Sanders generation can speak to America as boldly as Roosevelt did, and build their power once Bernie’s campaign is done, they may just make their revolution yet.
In the primaries held so far this year, many more Democrats are identifying as liberal than in the past, powered by dramatic changes in the views of young voters. Is the Republican Party undergoing a similar shift to the right? Yes, but the picture is a little more complicated.
Most liberals continue to pay lip service to unions and their importance to the Democratic coalition. But in private, many will tell you that they have little use for them. Julian Zelizer, a Princeton political economist, argues that the marriage between liberalism and organized labor “took a terrible turn starting in the 1970s,” when global competition moved manufacturing jobs from the unionized Northeast and Midwest to the non-union South and, ultimately, abroad.
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